Trudeau and his Communist friends
By Jamie Glazov
He never met a communist he didn't like.
That's the reality that all of the adoring eulogies to former Canadian Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau somehow fail to mention.
It was completely expected that Cuban dictator Fidel Castro showed up for Trudeau's state funeral on October 5, after he declared three days of mourning in his totalitarian state. The two were great buddies ever since Trudeau visited Cuba in 1973 and proclaimed "Viva Castro!" One only has to read Armando Valladaras' Against All Hope to get a good sense of the moral degeneracy it takes to utter such words about the father of Cuba's concentration camp system.
Valladaras, a Cuban poet who spent twenty years of torture and imprisonment for merely raising the issue of freedom, provides the most indicting and heart-wrenching account of Castro's atrocious human-rights record. His book serves as Cuba's version of Solzhenitsyn's Gulag Archipelago. For Trudeau, of course, there were bigger priorities: cozying up to individuals who put the ideas of socialism into actual practise.
Castro, of course, was not alone in enjoying Trudeau's publicly-declared endorsements. The same year he pronounced "Viva Castro!" Trudeau also praised Mao Tse-tung's revolution in China, stating that Mao had delivered a wonderful system to his people. At that time, it was already well-documented in the West that Mao's gulag had liquidated more than 60 million human lives.
Trudeau's behaviour becomes understandable in the context of his life-long admiration of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, the 18th century French philosopher who, in his famous promotion of the submission of the individual to the "general will," set out the blueprint for the genocide-making not only of the French Revolution, but of the Marxist and Nazi revolutions of the 20th century.
Thus, in Trudeau's philosophical outlook, the innocent victims of Castro's and Mao's concentration camps were not to be thought about in their human context, but only in abstract terms if at all.
As Prime Minister, Trudeau was enchanted with pacifism -- in the face of the "general will" of course. Thus, Trudeau tried to pull Canada out of NATO. Failing that, he succeeded in cutting in half Canada's NATO commitments in Europe, and in decimating the preparedness of his own armed forces at home.
Trudeau never forgot about Cuba. In 1976, he made sure to help Castro's effort to liberate Angolan citizens from their individual interests, and to help subordinate them to the "general will." Thus, Trudeau allowed Cuban transport planes to refuel in Newfoundland before they picked up arms in the Soviet Union and flew to Angola to fight for class utopia.
One problem was that Castro couldn't much help Julius Nyerere, the ruthless communist dictator of Tanzania, whose disastrous Marxist economic policies created large-scale famines. Trudeau came to the rescue. As a great admirer of Nyerere, he made sure that Canada exported free food supplies to the communist dictatorship, most of which communist elites grabbed for themselves, and which never reached the individuals who failed to subordinate their interests to the "general will" which meant the people of Tanzania whom Nyerere didn't feel worth saving.
Very little, of course, tingled the human heart as much as the compliments that Trudeau heaved upon the Soviet regime, a system that inflicted genocide on a scale that only Mao could surpass in numbers killed. Trudeau visited the Soviet Union not once, but twice, and on one of the visits he could not restrain himself from praising the way the Soviets had developed their North -- saying that Canada should do the same. Anyone who had the slightest knowledge about the Soviet Union at the time knew that the Soviet North was developed by concentration camp slave labour. Trudeau knew it as well. But, of course, he also knew the importance of the "general will." That's why he never apologized to the families of the millions of those who perished, nor to Soviet dissidents, who were infuriated by his remark.
When Trudeau pined for Fidel, he filled the void by palling around with the Soviet ambassador to Canada, Alexander Yakovlev. He also signed a "friendship protocol" with the Soviets, a friendship of which he was genuinely proud.
In light of these realities, it might do well to build a Lenin-style mausoleum on Parliament Hill for the late Prime Minister. It would be the least Canadians could do in memory of Canada's great humanitarian leader, whose life was dedicated to praising those who had sacrificed human life on the altar of utopian ideals.
Jamie Glazov holds a Ph.D. in History with a specialty in Soviet studies. He is the author of 15 Tips on How to Be a Good Leftist.
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